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<?xml-stylesheet type="text/xsl" href="https://archive.freecapitalists.org:443/utility/FeedStylesheets/rss.xsl" media="screen"?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/" xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/"><channel><title>Economics Questions</title><link>https://archive.freecapitalists.org:443/forums/5.aspx</link><description /><dc:language>en</dc:language><generator>CommunityServer 2008.5 SP2 (Build: 40407.4157)</generator><item><title>The invention of central banking</title><link>https://archive.freecapitalists.org:443/forums/thread/108530.aspx</link><pubDate>Sun, 22 Mar 2009 06:37:44 GMT</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="false">944abf2b-d1be-4bf2-990d-438cb0e377e9:108530</guid><dc:creator>Stranger</dc:creator><slash:comments>0</slash:comments><comments>https://archive.freecapitalists.org:443/forums/thread/108530.aspx</comments><wfw:commentRss>https://archive.freecapitalists.org:443/forums/commentrss.aspx?SectionID=5&amp;PostID=108530</wfw:commentRss><description>&lt;p&gt;This is the history of the first central bank, the Bank of England, as told by Murray Rothbard in The History of Economic Thought and reproduced here for the convenience of newer students, and to give them an idea of the enormity of the struggle that has to be fought to restore capitalism and end the financial cycle.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The key to English history in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is
the perpetual wars in which the English state was continually engaged. Wars
meant gigantic financial requirements for the Crown. Before the advent of the
central bank and government paper, any government not willing to tax the
country for the full cost of war relied on an ever more extensive public debt.
But if the public debt continues to rise, and taxes are not increased, something
has to give, and the piper must be paid.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Before the seventeenth century, loans were generally made by banks, and
&amp;#39;banks&amp;#39; were institutions in which capitalists lent out funds that they had saved.
There was no deposit banking; merchants who wanted a safe place to keep their
surplus gold deposited them in the King&amp;#39;s Mint in the Tower of London - an
institution accustomed to storing gold. This habit, however, proved highly
costly, for King Charles I, needing money shortly before the outbreak of the
civil war in 1638, simply confiscated the huge sum of 200 000 pounds in gold
stored at the Mint - announcing it to be a &amp;#39;loan&amp;#39; from the depositors. Understandably
shaken by their experience, merchants began depositing their gold in
the coffers of private goldsmiths, who were also accustomed to the storing and
safe keeping of precious metals. Soon, goldsmiths&amp;#39; notes began to function as
private bank notes, the product of deposit banking.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Restoration government soon needed to raise a great deal of money
for wars with the Dutch. Taxes were greatly increased, and the Crown borrowed
extensively from the goldsmiths. In late 1671, King Charles II asked
the bankers for further large loans to finance a new fleet. Upon the goldsmiths&amp;#39;
refusal, the king proclaimed, on 5 January 1672, a &amp;#39;stop of the
Exchequer&amp;#39;, that is, a wilful refusal to pay any interest or principal on much
of the outstanding public debt. Some of the &amp;#39;stopped&amp;#39; debt was owed by the
government to suppliers and pensioners, but the vast bulk was held by the
victimized goldsmiths. Indeed, of the total stopped debt of 1.21 million
pounds, 1.17 million was owned by the goldsmiths.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Five years later, in 1677, the Crown grudgingly began paying interest on
the stopped debt. But by the time of the eviction of James II in 1688, only a
little over six years of interest had been paid out of the 12 years&amp;#39; debt.
Furthermore, the interest was paid at the arbitrary rate of 6 per cent, even
though the king had originally contracted to pay interest at rates ranging from
8 to 10 per cent.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The goldsmiths were even more intensively thwarted by the new government
of William and Mary, ushered in by the Glorious Revolution of 1688.
The new regime simply refused to pay any interest or principal on the
stopped debt. The hapless creditors took the case to court, but while the
judges agreed in principle with the creditors&amp;#39; case, their decision was overruled
by the Lord Keeper, who candidly argued that the government&amp;#39;s financial
problems must take precedence over justice and property right.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The upshot of the &amp;#39;stop&amp;#39; was that the House of Commons settled the affair
in 1701, decreeing that half of the capital sum of the debt be simply wiped
out; and that interest on the other half begin to be paid at the end of 1705, at
the remarkable rate of 3 per cent. Even that low rate was later cut to two-anda-
half.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The consequences of this declaration of bankruptcy by the king were as
could be predicted: public credit was severely impaired, and financial disaster
struck for the goldsmiths, whose notes were no longer acceptable to the
public, and for their depositors. Most of the leading goldsmith-ereditors went
bankrupt by the 1680s, and many ended their lives in debtors&amp;#39; prison. Private
deposit banking had received a crippling blow, a blow which would only be
overcome by the creation of a central bank.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The stop of the Exchequer, then, coming only two decades after the confiscation
of the gold at the Mint, managed virtually to destroy at one blow
private deposit banking and the government&amp;#39;s credit. But endless wars with
France were now looming, and where would government get the money to
finance them?9
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Salvation came in the form of a group of promoters, headed by the Scot,
William Paterson. Paterson approached a special committee of the House of
Commons formed in eady 1693 to study the problem of raising funds, and
proposed a remarkable new scheme. In return for a set of important special
privileges from the state, Paterson and his group would form the Bank of
England, which would issue new notes, most of which would be used to
finance the government&amp;#39;s deficit. In short, since there were not enough private
savers willing to finance the deficit, Paterson and company were graciously
willing to buy interest-bearing government bonds, to be paid for by
newly created bank notes, carrying a raft of special privileges with them. As
soon as Parliament duly chartered the Bank of England in 1694, King William
himself and various MPs rushed to become shareholders of this new moneycreating
bonanza.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;William Paterson urged the English government to grant Bank of England
notes legal tender power, but this was going too far, even for the British
Crown. But Parliament did give the bank the advantage of holding deposits
of all government funds.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The new institution of government-privileged central banking soon demonstrated
its inflationary power. The Bank of England quickly issued the
enormous sum of 760 000 pounds, most of which were used to buy government
debt. This issue had an immediate and substantial inflationary impact,
and in two short years, the Bank of England was insolvent after a bank run,
an insolvency gleefully abetted by its competitors, the private goldsmiths,
who were happy to return to it the swollen Bank of England notes for
redemption of specie.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;b&gt;At this point, the English government made a fateful decision: in May
1696, it simply allowed the bank to &amp;#39;suspend specie payment&amp;#39;. In short, it
allowed the bank to refuse indefinitely to pay its contractual obligations to
redeem its notes in gold, while at the same time continuing blithely in
operation, issuing notes and enforcing payments upon its own debtors. &lt;/b&gt;The
bank resumed specie payments two years later, but this act set a precedent for
British and American banking from that point on. Whenever the bank inflated
itself into financial trouble, the government stood ready to allow it to suspend
specie payments. During the last wars with France, in the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth century, the bank was allowed to suspend payments for two
decades.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The same year, 1696, the Bank of England had another scare: the spectre
of competition. A Tory financial group tried to establish a national land bank,
to compete with the Whig-dominated central bank. The attempt failed, but
the Bank of England moved quickly to induce Parliament, in 1697, to pass a
law prohibiting any new corporate bank from being established in England.
Any new bank would have to be either proprietary or owned by a partnership,
thereby severely limiting the extent of competition with the bank. Furthermore,
counterfeiting of Bank of England notes was now made punishable by
death. In 1708, Parliament followed up this set of privileges by another
crucial one: it now became unlawful for any corporate bank other than the
Bank of England, and for any bank partnership over six persons, to issue
notes. And, moreover, incorporated banks and partnerships over six were also
prohibited from making any short-term loans. The Bank of England now only
had to compete with tiny banks.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Thus, by the end of the seventeenth century, the states of western Europe,
particularly England and France, had discovered a grand new route towards
the aggrandizement of state power: revenue through inflationary creation of
paper money, either by government or, more subtly, by a privileged, monopolistic,
central bank. In England, private banks of deposit were inspired to
proliferate (especially checking accounts) under this umbrella, and the government
was at last able to expand the public debt to fight its endless wars;
during the French war of 1702-13, for example it was able to finance 31 per
cent of its budget via public debt.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div style="clear:both;"&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</description></item></channel></rss>