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Immigration and Growth (I'm confused)

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Esuric posted on Sun, Apr 25 2010 11:11 PM

I took intermediate macroeconomics a few semesters ago before I really got into Austrian economics. Those of you who've taken intermediate macro know that you spend quite some time on the labor market, the production function, and the productivity of labor. The neoclassical analysis concludes that immigration is a major cause of long-term economic growth.

You're taught that (the production function has constant returns to scale), in the short-run, an increased supply of labor reduces real wages as additional workers are spread over a fixed supply of capital, which, in turn, reduces the marginal productivity of labor. The total level of output, though, increases, as production is a function of both labor and capital. This, in turn, implies that as the supply of labor increases, the marginal productivity of capital must therefore increase (higher interest rates). As the marginal productivity of capital rises, the stock of capital will expand which, in turn, will increase the productivity and demand for labor in the long run (higher real wages).

Mass immigration is often considered to be a major cause of U.S. economic growth. Austrian capital theory also claims that an increased labor supply will elevate interest rates. But now the problem reveals itself.

The neoclassical conclusion (immigration causes long term growth) only holds if we assume capital to be a homogenous blob which is perfectly substitutable. In such a world, increasing the homogenous capital stock would indeed increase the marginal productivity of labor across the board. But once we drop this assumption (homogenous capital) we realize that it would increase capital accumulation only in the lower phases of production, which would make society relatively poorer. The only way it could lead to long-term growth is if the immigrants, for whatever reason, had a lower time preference, that is, if they saved more. This would extend the structure of production and increase future returns (once the roundabout methods of production are completed).

Therefore, once we look at capital as a structure, with heterogeneous and complimentary goods, we must conclude that immigration actually leads to economic contractions. This is clearly incorrect. My reasoning must be faulty; I'm missing something.

"If we wish to preserve a free society, it is essential that we recognize that the desirability of a particular object is not sufficient justification for the use of coercion."

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The mistake in the OP is maybe mixing up absolute growth with per capita growth.  You are maybe thinking that lower phases of production pull away investment from the higher phases, making a contraction in GDP.  That would be a contraction only in per capita income.

Ceteris paribus, immigration leads to an increase in GDP and a decrease in GDP per capita in both the short and long term.  There is really no way that it can lead to greater long term growth in per capita with homogeneous actors, because the more you earn the larger the proportion of income can possibly be saved regardless of time preference.

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DD5 replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 4:17 PM

filc:

It does make sense to an extent as well when you don't consider what Merlin said.

??  It seems that Merlin agrees with what I said so I don't know what you're talking about.

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DD5 replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 4:23 PM

filc:

High time preference(Savings)\

You have it backwards.  High time preference means less savings.

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filc replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 4:33 PM

 

filc:

High time preference(Savings)\

DD5:
You have it backwards.  High time preference means less savings.

Reading the whole thread 4tw

Filc:
Err your right, high time preference is intensified desire for immediate consumption.

DD5:
??  It seems that Merlin agrees with what I said so I don't know what you're talking about.

I think your confused. 

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Assume immigrants arrive with nothing but shirts on their backs, and a time-preference equal to that of the population they are joining. (and also that there are no changes in imports/exports, etc)  Then we would expect the following:

  1. The immigrants find work, lowering wage rates in the industries that employ them.  We can assume the immigrants are evenly distributed among the orders of production, there is no reason to believe this wouldn't be the case. 
  2. The immigrants save the same ratio of their income as everybody else.  The rest they spend on consumer goods.
  3. The entrepreneurs make higher profits due to efficiency savings by having cheaper labor.  They save in the same ratio they did before.  The rest they spend on consumer goods. 
  4. (3) and (4) together increase entrepreneurial profits in consumer goods industries relative to higher-order industries.  Capital is shifted into consumer goods industries - not because the interest rate has changed but because higher entrepreneurial profits are available.  The Hayekian triangle is distorted (the top right has been pulled upwards).
  5. The consumer goods industries bid up prices in the second and then higher-order goods industries.  This continues like a ripple until the slope of the Hayekian triangle is straight again and with a gradient equal to what it was before.  
  6. The overall size of the triangle has increased due to increased productivity at all levels.

There would be no change in the natural interest rate at any time in this process.  The return-on-investment in consumer goods industries would increase relative to higher-order industries, but this would be only temporary, and driven by a change in entrepreneurial profits, not a change in time-preferences.

Does this help?

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Esuric replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 10:09 PM

1) In ‘Austrian triangle’ terms, we assume just one holistic ‘factor of production’: the initial influx of cheap labor does not change time preferences at the beginning. It only lowers the costs of production of consumption goods. The increased profits will attract the factors of production and the supply of current goods shall increase. But an increase in the supply of current goods makes time preferences fall! So a larger part of production shall now saved into the higher stages. The structure of production shall be lengthened, not shortened

Here's Bohm-Bawerk:

In a community interest will be high in proportion as the national subsistence fund is low, as the number of laborers employed by the same is great, and as the surplus of returns connected with any further extension of the production period is high. Conversely, interest will be low the greater the subsistence fund, the fewer the laborers, and the quicker the fall of the surplus returns. Positive Theory of Capital, pp. 401.

Hayek holds this position as well, though I can't find a specific quote at this very moment. Either way, an outward shift in the supply of labor will elevate the rate of interest. This fact isn't doubted by anyone.

Now, an influx of unskilled labor enters the market, lowering Pl1. So, it would pay to increase the use of labor in the first stage, and decrease the use of capital, up to the point where MPl1/MPk1 again equals Pl/Pk. You see, as long as some labor can be substituted for some capital the reasoning holds a-priori.

It would, at first, increase the use of labor and capital in the lower phase. The lower phase would be the most profitable phase (money receipts), which, in turn, allows it to draw specialized/fixed capital away from the higher orders. Again, the lower phase may employ labor at a higher rate relative to capital, but it must, as a rule, draw capital away from the higher phase(s). I'm saying the same thing as Professor Ebeling:

Richard M. Ebeling, ed:
Both labor and non-specific capital goods are reallocated away from late stages of production that were meeting demands for present consumption, which are now weakened, and into early stages of production so as to meet demands for future consumption, which are now strengthened. The market process that results in such a restructuring is guided by changes in the prices of consumption goods, capital goods in each of the stages of production, and labor.

Except he's talking about a lower rate of interest, and I'm talking about an elevated rate of interest.

  1. An influx of labor will elevate the rate of interest.
  2. Money receipts flow from the lower phases up towards the higher phases, and goods flow from the higher phases towards the lower phases.
  3. The lower phases of production see higher money profits relative to the higher phases, that is, the price of lower order goods rises (either relatively or absolutely).
  4. Investors see the higher profits in first-order goods and redirect investment towards the lower phases of production.
  5. The structure of production contracts (vertical integration) in the face of lower money profits in the higher orders and a higher rate of interest.
  6. Arbitrage equalizes the normalized return to capital (interest rate) across all levels of production.

"If we wish to preserve a free society, it is essential that we recognize that the desirability of a particular object is not sufficient justification for the use of coercion."

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Stephen replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 10:55 PM

Esuric:
Mass immigration is often considered to be a major cause of U.S. economic growth.

I think this is because economic growth is measured by GDP. Immigration increases both consumption and government spending which leads to higher GDP figures.

Esuric:
The neoclassical conclusion (immigration causes long term growth) only holds if we assume capital to be a homogenous blob which is perfectly substitutable.

That depends on how you measure economic growth. I think it may hold even if you don't make the neoclassical assumption. If you measure it as some sort of total physical product of consumer goods, the increase of productive immigrants will always lead to economic growth.

Esuric:
My reasoning must be faulty.

I think it is pretty good as far as it goes. I just think you've just poorly defined the problem/question.

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Stephen replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 11:00 PM

Merlin:
But when it comes to immigration one is in the unusually safe position of not having to worry about Malthus: no one will ever emigrate to an overpopulated country

People will migrate from a more overpopulated country to a less overpopulated country if that is the best opportunity available to them.

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Stephen replied on Tue, Apr 27 2010 11:08 PM

Merlin:
Hence immigration, is itself, cannot be detrimental as long as the population level is still under-optimal.

Word. As long as you mean 'detrimental' to the average physical product, and we are assuming that the immigrants are productive and not parasitcal. It's nice to see that someone else gets the Malthusian point. You might also want to look up, out of interest, what Mises had to say about Malthus' population law in HA and Theory and History.

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The mistake in the OP is maybe mixing up absolute growth with per capita growth.  You are maybe thinking that lower phases of production pull away investment from the higher phases, making a contraction in GDP.  That would be a contraction only in per capita income.

Ceteris paribus, immigration leads to an increase in GDP and a decrease in GDP per capita in both the short and long term.  There is really no way that it can lead to greater long term growth in per capita with homogeneous actors, because the more you earn the larger the proportion of income can possibly be saved regardless of time preference.

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Esuric replied on Wed, Apr 28 2010 2:10 AM

The mistake in the OP is maybe mixing up absolute growth with per capita growth.  You are maybe thinking that lower phases of production pull away investment from the higher phases, making a contraction in GDP.  That would be a contraction only in per capita income.

I'm saying that it would lead to a shorter capital structure, and possibly a recession.

Ceteris paribus, immigration leads to an increase in GDP and a decrease in GDP per capita in both the short and long term.  There is really no way that it can lead to greater long term growth in per capita with homogeneous actors, because the more you earn the larger the proportion of income can possibly be saved regardless of time preference.

You may be right. Here was my train of thought:

It increases total output, and in the long-run it will elevate real wages back to their previous position, and then some (possibly). The reasoning here, and again, I'm a little rusty when it comes to intermediate macro, is that it elevates the marginal productivity of capital, and therefore investment. And since real wages are a function of capital per worker (which is also a function of savings), then it will increase the productivity of labor and therefore real wages (in the longer-run).

Mathematically: Q=f(L,K) => Q=3L^.5K^.5 => L=4, K=9 => Q=3*2*3=18 => MPL=1.5*K^.5/L^.5 => MPL= 2.25 => MPK= 1.5*L^.5/K^.5 => MPK= 1. (MPL is the marginal productivity of labor; MPK is the marginal productivity of capital, and Q is total output)

L=9, K=9 (increase the labor supply) => Q=3*3*3= 27 => MPL= 1.5, MPK= 1.5 (the marginal product of labor falls but the marginal product of capital rises which increases investment). But, as you pointed out, without additional savings, the investments cannot come to fruition. I think you've answered my question.

I knew I was making some kind of ridiculous mistake, but couldn't put my finger on it. Thank you.

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Reisman 
 
7. Free Immigration
It is necessary to address the issue of free immigration,
which is closely related to the subject of population
growth. This section will show that free immigration is
in the long-run material self-interest of the citizens of a
capitalist country.
 
The words capitalist country must be stressed. To the
extent that a country has a welfare system, tax-supported
hospitals and schools, public housing, and so on, and the
mmigrants come to take advantage of these offerings,
he effect is a corresponding loss to the present inhabi-
ants of the country, who have to pay the costs. The above
proposition applies to a country insofar as it is without
hese and other welfare-state-type programs—a country
n which the immigrants must be self-supporting and
hemselves pay for whatever they receive. By the same
oken, the freedom of a country implies the absence of
economic disabilities imposed on immigrants: there are
no minimum-wage laws or prounion legislation to pre-
vent them from gaining employment, and no legal obsta-
cles to their starting businesses, buying land, and so on.
Under such conditions, the freedom of immigration
must ultimately prove economically beneficial to every-
one. Because among the immigrants and their descen-
dants will be individuals of great talent, capable of achieving
great things in a free country, but who would be stifled
and be able to contribute little or nothing in the lands of
heir origin. In effect, the freedom of immigration into a
free country from countries that are less free or unfree is
a vital means of unlocking human talent and increasing
he gains from the pyramid of ability.
 
As a simple example, one should consider what would
have been the effect on Andrew Carnegie, and not just
on the American but on the world steel industry, if he had
been prevented from immigrating to the United States
and confined to the less free environment of Scotland and
Great Britain. One should consider what would have
been the effect on the development of the helicopter if
Sikorsky had been prevented from immigrating to the
United States from Russia. Is it likely that the Russians
would have seen the value of his ideas before they had
been proved by actual repeated demonstration in the
United States?
Indeed, we should consider the effects if the ancestors
of any American industrial innovator had had to remain
in their native lands, and thus that person have been born
and spent his life in a country like Italy, Poland, Russia,
or Germany, or even France or Great Britain, instead of
the United States. Probably most of the innovators would
have been stifled or at least significantly held back.
The historical advantage noted in the previous sec-
tion, of the people of the United States having access to
more business talent than the people of any European
country, was due to America’s policy of greater eco-
nomic freedom in general combined with her policy of
free immigration in particular. The latter gave the United
States a larger population from which to draw such talent,
while the former ensured that in the larger population a
greater frequency of such talent would be manifested,
because freedom is the essential condition for the devel-
opment and flowering of such talent. The combination
of free immigration and general economic freedom thus
results both in more people and, at the same time, as an
inextricable part of the same process, a rate of economic
progress that is not only rapid, but also further acceler-
ated by virtue of the immigration. Simply put, free im-
migration into a free country accelerates economic progress,
because talent requires freedom in order to flourish. Free
immigration into a free country brings talent to freedom,
and so enables more of it to develop and contribute to
economic progress. The acceleration of economic prog-
ress it achieves ultimately far outstrips whatever short-
run problems may accompany an increase in immigration.
 
Refutation of the Arguments Against
Free Immigration
It is necessary to refute the arguments advanced against
the freedom of immigration and the population growth it
causes.
It is claimed that the larger population resulting from
free immigration creates the need to resort to inferior
grades of land and mineral deposits and is accompanied
by diminishing returns. This argument has already been
answered both in our discussions of population growth
and in our discussion of private ownership of land.
115
Here it is only necessary to add a further point which
applies particularly when the population growth results
from immigration. Namely, that the immigration can be
accompanied by the importation of additional raw mate-
rials along with the additional people.
Imagine, for example, that workers of the British steel
industry immigrated to the United States and became
steel workers here. This would not mean that the iron ore
they required must be taken from the Mesabi range in
Minnesota. Very probably, it would simply mean that
iron ore that used to go from Labrador to Britain will now
go from Labrador to the United States.
 
This example points up the fact that those who fear
population growth are thinking in terms of a non-divi-
sion-of-labor society, in which people work the land and
in which more people in a territory means more working
of the land in that territory. Actually, immigration into
towns and cities has no necessary connection with the
extent to which the land and mineral deposits of the
surrounding territory must be worked, because the towns
and cities can draw their raw materials from anywhere in
the world. The notion that more people in a country must
mean a higher ratio of labor to land in that country, and
thus diminishing returns, simply does not apply in a
division-of-labor society.
 
* * *
It is also claimed that a larger population must reduce
the productivity of labor because it means a higher ratio
of labor to capital goods, or, what is the same thing, less
capital goods per worker. Those who advance this argu-
ment believe that population growth and increases in the
supply of capital goods are independent processes. Cap-
ital accumulation, they believe, is determined simply by
saving, which allegedly has no connection with the growth
of population.
The fact is that a larger number of people working and
producing is itself the cause of a larger supply of capital
goods. A larger number of people working and producing
in conjunction even with an unchanged supply of capital
goods results in an increase in total production. This no
one can deny. It is only necessary to realize that what is
produced in an economy is not only consumers’ goods,
but also capital goods. Labor and existing capital goods
are used to produce both consumers’ goods and capital
goods, and, as we shall see in later chapters, they do so
in accordance with the relative demands for the two types
of goods.
 
The implication of this is that if there is any single,
one-time increase in the number of people working and
producing, it automatically tends to be followed by a
growth in the supply of capital goods per worker and thus
in output per worker at least back to their original levels.
This is because the larger number of workers produces
more capital goods with which that same larger number
of workers then works in the next period, and with the
aid of which it enjoys a higher productivity. The further
effect is another increase in production in the following
period—both of consumers’  goods and of capital goods,
until the original levels of capital goods per worker and
the productivity of labor are equalled and, indeed, sur-
passed.
Thus, it should be clear that no reasonable case exists
against any single dose of immigration or population
increase based on the argument that it reduces the amount
of capital goods per worker. For the additional labor itself
results in progressively more capital goods.
In the case of a continuous increase in the supply of
labor, it could be argued that just as the first group of
additional workers brings about an increase in the supply
of capital goods, a second group arrives on the scene, so
that the ratio of capital goods to labor does not increase
and may even fall further. Yet even this, more sophisti-
cated version of the reduced-capital-per-worker argu-
ment against immigration and population growth cannot
stand. This is because if the productivity of labor were
threatened by a relative excess of labor and a relative
deficiency of capital goods, the effect would be a drop in
the demand for labor, and thus in the wage earners’
demand for consumers’ goods, and a rise in the demand
for capital goods. The effect of this, in turn, would be a
higher relative production of capital goods and a lower
relative production of consumers’  goods. The larger num-
ber of workers of each year would find sufficient addi-
tional capital goods available because they would be
produced by a larger proportion of the labor and capital
goods of each year, as well as by a growing volume of
labor and capital goods from year to year.
And, as time went on, the positive effects of the
unlocking of more human talent would occur. The effect
of this would be an increase in the output of capital goods
(and consumers’  goods) that can be obtained from any
given quantity of labor working in conjunction with any
given quantity of capital goods. Even if it occurred on a
strictly delimited, once-and-for-all basis, the effect of
this in turn would be a more rapid rate of increase in the
production both of capital goods and consumers’ goods,
with each year’s larger output of capital goods serving as
the base for the following year’s further increase in the
production both of capital goods and of consumers’ goods.
117
Thus, a capitalist economy with the freedom of im-
migration turns out in the long run to have a more rapid
rate of capital accumulation than one without it. For it
has both a larger relative production of capital goods and
uses capital goods more efficiently in the further produc-
tion of capital goods than one without the freedom of
immigration. The effect of this more rapid rate of capital
accumulation is a correspondingly faster rate of eco-
nomic progress, which soon makes up for the reduction
in the proportion of output going to the consumption of
wage earners.
 
If one wants to form a more precise, quantitative
estimate of the relationships involved, let us assume that
free immigration, together with any increase in popula-
tion coming from those already present, results in an
overall rate of population growth of 3 percent per year.
This is a rate last seen in the United States in colonial
times. It would be sufficient to double the population
every twenty-five years.
In order for a 3 percent larger number of workers each
year to be as well equipped as the workers would be
without population increase, something on the order
perhaps of an additional 9 to 12 percent of national
income—more accurately, current net output—would
need to be devoted to saving and capital accumulation.
This figure is generous. I arrive at it on the basis of the
fact that in the nineteenth century and the first few
decades of the twentieth century, the period in which the
American economy was relatively free, the long-term
historical ratio of reproducible capital to national income
was about three or four to one.
118
 Thus, a 3 percent
increase in capital to accompany the 3 percent increase
in the number of workers and so maintain a three or four
to one ratio of capital to output per worker, would repre-
sent no more than something on the order of 9 to 12
percent of national income in conditions in which the
degree of capital intensiveness was substantially higher
than it is today.
Having to obtain this 9 to 12 percent of national
income from the share of national income previously
going to wage earners, would represent something on the
order of a one-time reduction in wages of about 13 to 17
percent, if, as is typical, wages initially constitute about
70 percent of national income. This magnitude of reduc-
tion in wages, however, greatly overstates the magnitude
that would actually follow the establishment of free
immigration. This is because it is predicated on going
from  zero population increase to an annual rate of 3
percent increase. In reality, the effect would be more
likely to be to go from a 1.5 percent annual increase
without freedom of immigration to perhaps a 3 percent
annual increase with it. The additional capital required
would thus actually equal only 4.5 to 6 percent of national
income, rather than 9 to 12 percent; and the one-time
wage reduction would be on the order of 6.5 to 8.5
percent rather than 13 to 17 percent.
If the freedom of immigration were introduced fol-
lowing the establishment of greater economic freedom
in other respects, this short-run negative effect would
probably go largely unperceived, since it would be more
than offset by other, positive developments. But, in any
case, if the effect of the freedom of immigration and the
pool of talent it unlocks is to enable the productivity of
labor to increase by just an additional 1 percent a year,
then, as soon as this happens, within seven to nine years
the initial loss is made good and thereafter the process
results only in gains.
results only in gains.7. Free Immigration
It is necessary to address the issue of free immigration,
which is closely related to the subject of population
growth. This section will show that free immigration is
in the long-run material self-interest of the citizens of a
capitalist country.
 
The words capitalist country must be stressed. To the
extent that a country has a welfare system, tax-supported
hospitals and schools, public housing, and so on, and the
mmigrants come to take advantage of these offerings,
he effect is a corresponding loss to the present inhabi-
ants of the country, who have to pay the costs. The above
proposition applies to a country insofar as it is without
hese and other welfare-state-type programs—a country
n which the immigrants must be self-supporting and
hemselves pay for whatever they receive. By the same
oken, the freedom of a country implies the absence of
economic disabilities imposed on immigrants: there are
no minimum-wage laws or prounion legislation to pre-
vent them from gaining employment, and no legal obsta-
cles to their starting businesses, buying land, and so on.
Under such conditions, the freedom of immigration
must ultimately prove economically beneficial to every-
one. Because among the immigrants and their descen-
dants will be individuals of great talent, capable of achieving
great things in a free country, but who would be stifled
and be able to contribute little or nothing in the lands of
heir origin. In effect, the freedom of immigration into a
free country from countries that are less free or unfree is
a vital means of unlocking human talent and increasing
he gains from the pyramid of ability.
 
As a simple example, one should consider what would
have been the effect on Andrew Carnegie, and not just
on the American but on the world steel industry, if he had
been prevented from immigrating to the United States
and confined to the less free environment of Scotland and
Great Britain. One should consider what would have
been the effect on the development of the helicopter if
Sikorsky had been prevented from immigrating to the
United States from Russia. Is it likely that the Russians
would have seen the value of his ideas before they had
been proved by actual repeated demonstration in the
United States?
Indeed, we should consider the effects if the ancestors
of any American industrial innovator had had to remain
in their native lands, and thus that person have been born
and spent his life in a country like Italy, Poland, Russia,
or Germany, or even France or Great Britain, instead of
the United States. Probably most of the innovators would
have been stifled or at least significantly held back.
The historical advantage noted in the previous sec-
tion, of the people of the United States having access to
more business talent than the people of any European
country, was due to America’s policy of greater eco-
nomic freedom in general combined with her policy of
free immigration in particular. The latter gave the United
States a larger population from which to draw such talent,
while the former ensured that in the larger population a
greater frequency of such talent would be manifested,
because freedom is the essential condition for the devel-
opment and flowering of such talent. The combination
of free immigration and general economic freedom thus
results both in more people and, at the same time, as an
inextricable part of the same process, a rate of economic
progress that is not only rapid, but also further acceler-
ated by virtue of the immigration. Simply put, free im-
migration into a free country accelerates economic progress,
because talent requires freedom in order to flourish. Free
immigration into a free country brings talent to freedom,
and so enables more of it to develop and contribute to
economic progress. The acceleration of economic prog-
ress it achieves ultimately far outstrips whatever short-
run problems may accompany an increase in immigration.
 
Refutation of the Arguments Against
Free Immigration
It is necessary to refute the arguments advanced against
the freedom of immigration and the population growth it
causes.
It is claimed that the larger population resulting from
free immigration creates the need to resort to inferior
grades of land and mineral deposits and is accompanied
by diminishing returns. This argument has already been
answered both in our discussions of population growth
and in our discussion of private ownership of land.
115
Here it is only necessary to add a further point which
applies particularly when the population growth results
from immigration. Namely, that the immigration can be
accompanied by the importation of additional raw mate-
rials along with the additional people.
Imagine, for example, that workers of the British steel
industry immigrated to the United States and became
steel workers here. This would not mean that the iron ore
they required must be taken from the Mesabi range in
Minnesota. Very probably, it would simply mean that
iron ore that used to go from Labrador to Britain will now
go from Labrador to the United States.
 
This example points up the fact that those who fear
population growth are thinking in terms of a non-divi-
sion-of-labor society, in which people work the land and
in which more people in a territory means more working
of the land in that territory. Actually, immigration into
towns and cities has no necessary connection with the
extent to which the land and mineral deposits of the
surrounding territory must be worked, because the towns
and cities can draw their raw materials from anywhere in
the world. The notion that more people in a country must
mean a higher ratio of labor to land in that country, and
thus diminishing returns, simply does not apply in a
division-of-labor society.
 
* * *
It is also claimed that a larger population must reduce
the productivity of labor because it means a higher ratio
of labor to capital goods, or, what is the same thing, less
capital goods per worker. Those who advance this argu-
ment believe that population growth and increases in the
supply of capital goods are independent processes. Cap-
ital accumulation, they believe, is determined simply by
saving, which allegedly has no connection with the growth
of population.
The fact is that a larger number of people working and
producing is itself the cause of a larger supply of capital
goods. A larger number of people working and producing
in conjunction even with an unchanged supply of capital
goods results in an increase in total production. This no
one can deny. It is only necessary to realize that what is
produced in an economy is not only consumers’ goods,
but also capital goods. Labor and existing capital goods
are used to produce both consumers’ goods and capital
goods, and, as we shall see in later chapters, they do so
in accordance with the relative demands for the two types
of goods.
 
The implication of this is that if there is any single,
one-time increase in the number of people working and
producing, it automatically tends to be followed by a
growth in the supply of capital goods per worker and thus
in output per worker at least back to their original levels.
This is because the larger number of workers produces
more capital goods with which that same larger number
of workers then works in the next period, and with the
aid of which it enjoys a higher productivity. The further
effect is another increase in production in the following
period—both of consumers’  goods and of capital goods,
until the original levels of capital goods per worker and
the productivity of labor are equalled and, indeed, sur-
passed.
Thus, it should be clear that no reasonable case exists
against any single dose of immigration or population
increase based on the argument that it reduces the amount
of capital goods per worker. For the additional labor itself
results in progressively more capital goods.
In the case of a continuous increase in the supply of
labor, it could be argued that just as the first group of
additional workers brings about an increase in the supply
of capital goods, a second group arrives on the scene, so
that the ratio of capital goods to labor does not increase
and may even fall further. Yet even this, more sophisti-
cated version of the reduced-capital-per-worker argu-
ment against immigration and population growth cannot
stand. This is because if the productivity of labor were
threatened by a relative excess of labor and a relative
deficiency of capital goods, the effect would be a drop in
the demand for labor, and thus in the wage earners’
demand for consumers’ goods, and a rise in the demand
for capital goods. The effect of this, in turn, would be a
higher relative production of capital goods and a lower
relative production of consumers’  goods. The larger num-
ber of workers of each year would find sufficient addi-
tional capital goods available because they would be
produced by a larger proportion of the labor and capital
goods of each year, as well as by a growing volume of
labor and capital goods from year to year.
And, as time went on, the positive effects of the
unlocking of more human talent would occur. The effect
of this would be an increase in the output of capital goods
(and consumers’  goods) that can be obtained from any
given quantity of labor working in conjunction with any
given quantity of capital goods. Even if it occurred on a
strictly delimited, once-and-for-all basis, the effect of
this in turn would be a more rapid rate of increase in the
production both of capital goods and consumers’ goods,
with each year’s larger output of capital goods serving as
the base for the following year’s further increase in the
production both of capital goods and of consumers’ goods.
117
Thus, a capitalist economy with the freedom of im-
migration turns out in the long run to have a more rapid
rate of capital accumulation than one without it. For it
has both a larger relative production of capital goods and
uses capital goods more efficiently in the further produc-
tion of capital goods than one without the freedom of
immigration. The effect of this more rapid rate of capital
accumulation is a correspondingly faster rate of eco-
nomic progress, which soon makes up for the reduction
in the proportion of output going to the consumption of
wage earners.
 
If one wants to form a more precise, quantitative
estimate of the relationships involved, let us assume that
free immigration, together with any increase in popula-
tion coming from those already present, results in an
overall rate of population growth of 3 percent per year.
This is a rate last seen in the United States in colonial
times. It would be sufficient to double the population
every twenty-five years.
In order for a 3 percent larger number of workers each
year to be as well equipped as the workers would be
without population increase, something on the order
perhaps of an additional 9 to 12 percent of national
income—more accurately, current net output—would
need to be devoted to saving and capital accumulation.
This figure is generous. I arrive at it on the basis of the
fact that in the nineteenth century and the first few
decades of the twentieth century, the period in which the
American economy was relatively free, the long-term
historical ratio of reproducible capital to national income
was about three or four to one.
118
 Thus, a 3 percent
increase in capital to accompany the 3 percent increase
in the number of workers and so maintain a three or four
to one ratio of capital to output per worker, would repre-
sent no more than something on the order of 9 to 12
percent of national income in conditions in which the
degree of capital intensiveness was substantially higher
than it is today.
Having to obtain this 9 to 12 percent of national
income from the share of national income previously
going to wage earners, would represent something on the
order of a one-time reduction in wages of about 13 to 17
percent, if, as is typical, wages initially constitute about
70 percent of national income. This magnitude of reduc-
tion in wages, however, greatly overstates the magnitude
that would actually follow the establishment of free
immigration. This is because it is predicated on going
from  zero population increase to an annual rate of 3
percent increase. In reality, the effect would be more
likely to be to go from a 1.5 percent annual increase
without freedom of immigration to perhaps a 3 percent
annual increase with it. The additional capital required
would thus actually equal only 4.5 to 6 percent of national
income, rather than 9 to 12 percent; and the one-time
wage reduction would be on the order of 6.5 to 8.5
percent rather than 13 to 17 percent.
If the freedom of immigration were introduced fol-
lowing the establishment of greater economic freedom
in other respects, this short-run negative effect would
probably go largely unperceived, since it would be more
than offset by other, positive developments. But, in any
case, if the effect of the freedom of immigration and the
pool of talent it unlocks is to enable the productivity of
labor to increase by just an additional 1 percent a year,
then, as soon as this happens, within seven to nine years
the initial loss is made good and thereafter the process
results only in gains.

Where there is no property there is no justice; a proposition as certain as any demonstration in Euclid

Fools! not to see that what they madly desire would be a calamity to them as no hands but their own could bring

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Merlin replied on Wed, Apr 28 2010 9:13 AM

@Esuric (I still can’t handle quoting in this fancy new interface)

 

Well, lets check those ideas step by step.

 

a) a low standard of living will mean high time preferences: not certain. What you could say, is that a lowering of the standard of living will raise time preferences. As the supply of current goods falls, people need a higher return to save a portion of the diminished fund. So, that would be true most of the time (but nor apodictically true) only when applied to changes, not absolute standards (the opposite is always true, an increase in time preferences always lowers the standard of living). How can we hold that lower standards bring higher time preferences when we all know how rich yanks fare in comparison to poor Chinese when it comes to time preferences.

 

b) the more laborers, the higher the time preferences: I’m at a total loss to account for this. It would seem to make no sense at all. What causal relationship could there be? I discuss this below. But right now I want to say that again the opposite relation is always true: an increase of time preferences mean that labor will replace capital throughout the economy. But it is unwise to work out form this true proposition, the idea that the opposite holds. It doesn’t.

 

c) as long as the “marginal marginal productivity” is positive, time preferences will rise: this is subtle but true. When the added product form one more unit of the factors of production is still increasing, people know that future production shall increase faster than it has up to now, and hence tend to save less, while when the marginal product begins to descent (but is still positive) they know that the future product will increase slower, hence tend to save more.

 

Now, I certainly cannot account for Bohm’s b point, so let’s go over the scenario again, expanding on Trulib’s post.

 

1) 10’000 Albanians emigrate to Switzerland. Right now, no one’s time preferences change, and the Swiss structure of production is yet unchanged.

 

2) These guys are ready to work for much less than Swiss workers do, yet are poorly trained. This makes them employable at a profit in the simplest, lower stages of production. As they displace Swiss workers in these fields profits in these stages soar.

 

4) assume a natural interest rate (prior to the infusion) of 5%. Profits throughout the triangle would tend to 5%. Now, after the drop in costs, profits in the lower phases goes up to, say, 10%.

 

5) Attracted by the profit differential, more entrepreneurs will move the factors of production (‘capital” but not in the economic sense of machines!) in. The movement will continue, reducing the marginal rate of profit in the lower phases and increasing that in the higher industries, until both rates equate at, let say, 8%. In order to free the factors needed, some of the higher-order goods had to be abandoned altogether. Now we have a shorter, stockier triangle. It does indeed seem that the interest rate is now 8%.

 

6) mistake. The time preferences of the Swiss still commands an interest rate of 5% and production didn’t change anything here. So, people are willing to accept 5% as their lowermost return. But return in our production triangle is 8%. So, by loaning out one’s fund one gets 5%, while by reinvesting profits one gets 8%! It is clear that more factors will be (re)invested, the triangle will be heightened until profit through-and-though go back to 5%, whereas the infusion of ‘capital’ ceases.

 

7) after all is said and done, we have a higher and wider triangle. A real improvement of the standard of living has ensued. Time preferences, as such, do not change.

 

 

Now, I said that factors move into the lower stages, and than they are reinvested into the higher stages. The question here is: which factors?

 

First of all, note that a triangle analysis does not include a differentiation of factors at all! It just assumes a holistic ‘factor’ because as far as time preferences go, it does not mater which factor moves. In such analyses when you see “capital moves” you should read “labor/capital/both move”.

 

To see which factor moves one needs further complications. It shall always be those factor which’s productivity per franc (we’re in Switzerland!)spend is higher that shall be employed. How does that fit into our Swiss scenario?

 

Which factor move into the lower stages? Well, we know that the price of Albanian workers is lower than that of Swiss workers, but their productivity is also lower. If the MP/P ratio is higher, Albanian workers will be used into the lower stages until their MP/P ratio equates that of both capital and Swiss workers.

 

As a matter of practicality, the lower the stage, and the simpler the production, the smaller the productivity differential among unskilled and skilled labor (it doesn’t take much training to tend a bar). Thus, the lower the phase the more likely are Albanian workers to displace Swiss. The same holds for capital: the simpler the production, the easier it is for man to do the job of machine (again, one could serve sushi by either serving chain or waiter). So the lower the phase the more capital shall be displaced by cheap labor.

 

Where do these displaced factors, Swiss workers and capital, go? Simple, these are the factors that are invested back into the triangle, stocking it up. So you see that within the holistic “the factors move into the low phases and then throughout the triangle” we have “cheap labor and some other factors move into the lower stages, while skilled labor, capital and some cheap labor move into the higher stages”.

 

This is important. What has happened here is that the factors have been distributed according to their productivity (not productivity per dollar spent): the more productive ones (machines and skilled labor) tend to ‘rise to the top’ of the triangle, while those less productive (the first generation of Albanian workers, as the second will certainly rule the sheep-like Swiss :) tend to ‘sink’ to the bottom. And indeed that is what one should expect: the higher the stages of production, the more complicated the job, the less useful do low productivity factors become.

 

So, to sum it all up: immigration does not change time preferences but yields with an increased standard of living. Immigration frees capital for use in higher stages, while itself flooding lower ones. As long as the marginal product of the extra immigrant is positive (population is sub-optimal) this shall always happen. The analysis would seem to be apodictically true.

 

 

 

 

The Regression theorem is a memetic equivalent of the Theory of Evolution. To say that the former precludes the free emergence of fiat currencies makes no more sense that to hold that the latter precludes the natural emergence of multicellular organisms.
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filc replied on Wed, Apr 28 2010 12:34 PM

Merlin:
5) Attracted by the profit differential, more entrepreneurs will move the factors of production (‘capital” but not in the economic sense of machines!) in. The movement will continue, reducing the marginal rate of profit in the lower phases and increasing that in the higher industries, until both rates equate at, let say, 8%. In order to free the factors needed, some of the higher-order goods had to be abandoned altogether. Now we have a shorter, stockier triangle. It does indeed seem that the interest rate is now 8%.

What about the situation that may occur when capital(Funds) are redirected from higher phases into lower phases, causing the higher phases capital goods(Complex Machines(Factories)) to deteriorate due to lack of things like maintenance ect..... As such causing a higher degree of capital consumption in higher phases?

Merlin:
Where do these displaced factors, Swiss workers and capital, go? Simple, these are the factors that are invested back into the triangle, stocking it up. So you see that within the holistic “the factors move into the low phases and then throughout the triangle” we have “cheap labor and some other factors move into the lower stages, while skilled labor, capital and some cheap labor move into the higher stages”.

Ahh this is interesting, and it would seem to have addressed my above question. This answer actually makes sense when you consider that desoto pic I posted above.

Merlin, great posts dude.

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First, by your own standards, an increase in immigration would only lead to a decrease in GDP per capita if you assume unchanging rates of labour force participation.

Second, what about all the other effects of immigration? If immigration leads to an increase in technological development or to a favourable change in culture it may lead to increases in long term GDP. 

"You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows"

Bob Dylan

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Esuric replied on Wed, Apr 28 2010 10:29 PM

b) the more laborers, the higher the time preferences: I’m at a total loss to account for this. It would seem to make no sense at all. What causal relationship could there be? I discuss this below. But right now I want to say that again the opposite relation is always true: an increase of time preferences mean that labor will replace capital throughout the economy. But it is unwise to work out form this true proposition, the idea that the opposite holds. It doesn’t.

There's an inverse relationship between profits and wages (if we don't consider technological innovation, new capital combinations, ect). I'll give you a full explanation later, but simply put, a shock to the labor force or population requires relatively shorter, more direct methods of production, in order to feed and clothe that portion of society (unless this group has a very low time preference). Longer methods of production are only profitable if there is a low aggregate demand for final goods and services, and enough resources saved to actually complete them (I'm essentially saying the same thing twice).

2) These guys are ready to work for much less than Swiss workers do, yet are poorly trained. This makes them employable at a profit in the simplest, lower stages of production.

Why are the lower stages of production less skilled than the higher phases? The structure of production is unlike the corporate structure where the higher you go, the more advanced your degree needs to be. Is a miner (higher phase) more skilled than a salesperson (lower phase)?

Attracted by the profit differential, more entrepreneurs will move the factors of production (‘capital” but not in the economic sense of machines!)

Yes in the economic sense. Hayek knows that money =/= capital (and he talks about pure barter in much of his work).

Well, we know that the price of Albanian workers is lower than that of Swiss workers, but their productivity is also lower. If the MP/P ratio is higher, Albanian workers will be used into the lower stages until their MP/P ratio equates that of both capital and Swiss workers.

This doesn't make any sense. The productivity of labor is a function of the sophistication and degree of capital per worker.

The same holds for capital: the simpler the production, the easier it is for man to do the job of machine (again, one could serve sushi by either serving chain or waiter). So the lower the phase the more capital shall be displaced by cheap labor.

Why isn't capital needed in the lower phases of production? The wholesaler and the transportation firm need heavy and durable capital goods; retail needs capital goods as well. The various phases require different kinds of capital goods, and they compete for specialized capital.

"If we wish to preserve a free society, it is essential that we recognize that the desirability of a particular object is not sufficient justification for the use of coercion."

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